Showing posts with label international law. Show all posts
Showing posts with label international law. Show all posts

Tuesday, 11 September 2012

italian top judge imposimato: icc to investigate 911

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http://www.journalof911studies.com/resources/2012-September---Imposimato-letter.pdf

http://www.globalresearch.ca/president-of-italys-supreme-court-to-refer-911-crimes-to-international-criminal-court/

President of Italy’s Supreme Court To Refer 9/11 Crimes To International Criminal Court

Journal of 9/11 Studies

September 2012

Ferdinando Imposimato is the Honorary President of the Supreme Court of Italy and a
former Senator who served on the Anti-Mafia Commission in three administrations. He is
the author or co-author of seven books on international terrorism, state corruption, and
related matters, and a Grand Officer of the Order of Merit of the Republic of Italy.


The 9/11 attacks were a global state terror operation permitted by the administration of the USA, which had foreknowledge of the operation yet remained intentionally unresponsive in order to make war against Afghanistan and Iraq. To put it briefly, the 9/11 events were an instance of the strategy of tension enacted by political and economic powers in the USA to seek advantages for the oil and arms industries.

Italy too was a victim of the “strategia della tensione” of the CIA, enacted in Italy from the time of the Portella della Ginestra massacre in Sicily in 1947 until 1993.

There is much evidence of this strategy, both circumstantial and scientific.

The reports of the National Institute of Standards and Technology (NIST), November 20, 2005, set forth the following conclusions. The airplanes that struck each of the twin towers caused a breach as well as an explosion evidenced by a giant fireball. The remaining jet fuel flowed onto the lower floors, sustaining the fires. The heat from the fires deformed the building structures and both towers collapsed completely from top to bottom. Very little that was of any size remained after these events except steel as well as aluminum fragments and the pulverized dust from the concrete floors.

World Trade Center 7 also collapsed--in a way that was inconsistent with the common experience of engineers. The final NIST report claimed that the plane strikes against the twin towers were responsible for all three building collapses: WTC1, WTC2 and WTC7. All three buildings collapsed completely, but Building 7 was not hit by a plane. WTC7’s collapse violated common experience and was unprecedented.

The NIST report does not analyze the actual nature of the collapses. According to experts at the Toronto Hearings (Sept. 8-11, 2011), the collapses had features that indicate controlled explosions. I agree with architect Richard Gage and engineer Jon Cole, both highly experienced professionals, who have arrived at their conclusions through reliable tests, scientific proof, and the visual testimony of people above suspicion, including firefighters and victims. The authoritative theologian David Ray Griffin has described very precisely why the hypothesis of controlled demolition should be taken into consideration. Various witnesses heard bursts of explosions.

According to NIST the collapse of Building 7 was due to fires provoked by the collapse of the twin towers. Chemist and independent researcher Kevin Ryan, however, has demonstrated that NIST gave contradictory versions of the collapse of Building 7. In a preliminary report NIST declared that WTC7 was destroyed because of fires provoked by diesel fuel stored in the building, while in a second report this fuel was no longer considered the cause of the building’s collapse. Additional comments on the NIST version of events have been made by David Chandler, another expert witness at Toronto Hearings. Despite NIST’s claim of three distinct phases of collapse, Chandler pointed out that many available videos show that for about two and a half seconds the acceleration of the building cannot be distinguished from freefall. NIST has been obliged to agree with this empirical fact as pointed out by Chandler, and now understandable by everyone.

Peter Dale Scott, another witness at the Hearings, demonstrated that there was a systematic CIA pattern of withholding important information from the FBI, even when the FBI would normally be entitled to it. Furthermore, there is additional evidence against George Tenet and Tom Wilshire. According to the former White House chief of antiterrorism, Richard Clarke (interview given on French and German TV as part of a documentary by Fabrizio Calvi and Christopf Klotz, August 31, 2011 as well as the interview with Calvi and Leo Sisti, “il fatto quotidiano”, Aug. 30, 2011) the CIA was aware of the imminent attack of 9/11.

Moreover, since 1999 the CIA had investigated Khalid al-Mihdhar and Nawaf al-Hamzi, both Saudis who were associated with the American Airlines plane that hit the Pentagon. The CIA had been informed that Khalid al-Mihdhar and Nawaf al-Hamzi had arrived in the USA in early 2000. It is legitimate to deduce that Tenet, chief of the CIA, and Wilshire, according to Peter Dale Scott a “key figure” in Alec Station blocked the efforts of two FBI agents—Doug Miller and Mark Rossini—to notify the FBI center that one of the participants in the Kuala Lumpur meeting, al-Mihdhar, got a US visa through the United States consulate in Jeddah. Professor Scott, basing himself on Kevin Fenton’s research, mentions 35 different occasions when the hijackers were protected in this fashion, from January of 2000 to September 5, 2001. With reference to the earlier of these incidents, the motive of this protection was evidently, according to Fenton, “to cover a CIA operation that was already in progress.”

Further circumstantial evidence against Tenet and Wilshire is the following. On July 12, 2001 Osama bin Laden was in American Hospital in Dubai. He was visited by a CIA agent. This information was given to Le Figaro, which also reported that bin Laden had been operated on in this hospital, having arrived from Quetta, Pakistan. This information was confirmed by Radio France International, which disclosed the name of the agent who met bin Laden—Larry Mitchell. Tenet and Wilshire, aware of the presence of bin Laden in the United Arab Emirates, failed to have him arrested and extradited, although FBI and CIA documents held him responsible for massacres in Kenya and Tanzania.

Insider trading is further strong evidence against the CIA, FBI and the US government. Articles by Professor Paul Zarembka, as well as by Kevin Ryan and others, prove such insider trading took place in the days immediately prior to the attacks. Yet this insider trading has been denied by the FBI and the 9/11 Commission.

Additional evidence against the CIA and the US administration is the following. Atta, at least since May 2000, was under CIA surveillance in Germany, according to the 9/11 Commission, both because he was accused since 1986 of attempts against Israel and because he had been surprised while purchasing great quantities of chemical products for use in explosives in Frankfurt (The Observer, Sept. 30, 2001). He was investigated by the Egyptian Secret Service and his cellular phone tapped. On November of 1999 Mohammed Atta left Hamburg, went to Karachi, Pakistan and then to Kandahar. Here he met bin Laden and Sheikh Omar Saeed (Homeland Security Global Security.org, “Movements of Mohammed Atta”). After June 2000 the USA continued to monitor Atta, intercepting his conversations with Sheikh Khalid Sheikh Mohammed, considered the director of 9/11, who lived in Pakistan.

Strong evidence that the CIA was aware of Atta’s irregular movements from the USA to Europe and within the USA is the declassified CIA document sent by the Agency to G.W. Bush (President’s Daily Brief). This document, dated August 6, 2001, says: “Bin Laden Determined to Strike in US.” It continues:

“Clandestine, foreign government, and media reports indicate bin Laden since 1997 has wanted to conduct terrorist attacks in the United States. Bin Laden implied in U.S. television interviews in 1997 and 1998 that his followers would follow the example of World Trade Center bomber Ramzi Yousef, and ‘bring the fighting to America.’

After US missile strikes on his base in Afghanistan in 1998, bin Laden told followers he wanted to retaliate in Washington, according to a foreign intelligence service. An Egyptian Islamic Jihad operative told an agent of a foreign intelligence service at the same time that bin Laden was planning to exploit the operative’s access to the US to mount a terrorist strike….

A clandestine source said in 1998 that a bin Laden cell in New York was recruiting Muslim-American youth for attacks.

This document proves that the CIA, FBI, as well as President Bush, knew by August 6, 2001, who had operative access: Atta. No one enjoyed such access to the US as Atta. But the CIA, FBI and Bush did nothing to stop him.

I have collected in Italy evidence that the Iraq War was decided on by the U.S. government before the 9/11 attacks with the help of the Italian Secret Service. According to Michel Chossudovsky, the 9/11 attacks were used as a pretext for war, having had as background the many years of CIA creation of, and support for, the terrorist network now known as al Qaeda. Today there is a danger of a new “preventive war” against Iran by the USA. This could be terrible for the people of the world and could even destroy a large part of humanity.

The only possibility for achieving justice is to submit the best evidence concerning the involvement of specific individuals in 9/11 to the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court and ask him to investigate according to the articles 12, 13, 15 and 17, letters a and b, of the Statute of the ICC, recalling also the preamble of the Statute:

Recognizing that such grave crimes threaten the peace, security and the well being of the world,
Affirming that the most serious crimes of concern to the international community as a whole must not go unpunished and that their effective prosecution must be ensured by taking measures at the national level and by enhancing international cooperation,
Determined to put an end to impunity for the perpetrators of these crimes and
thus to contribute to the prosecution of such crimes,
Recalling that the duty of every state to exercise its jurisdiction over those
responsible for international crimes, …


Ferdinando Imposimato

Lawyers for 9/11 Truth Member to Refer 9/11 to International Criminal Court

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http://www.antimafiaduemila.com/2012091138825/crisi/imposimato-a-11-anni-da-quell11-settembre-era-strategia-della-tensione.html

Imposimato: a 11 anni da quell'11 settembre: era Strategia della Tensione

di Ferdinando Imposimato

11 settembre 2012


Gli attentati dell'11/9 sono stati un'operazione globale di terrorismo di Stato consentita dall'amministrazione degli USA, che sapeva già dell’azione ma è rimasta intenzionalmente non reattiva al fine di fare la guerra contro l'Afghanistan e l'Iraq. Per dirla in breve, gli eventi dell'11/9 erano un caso di Strategia della Tensione messa in atto dai poteri politici ed economici negli Stati Uniti per perseguire vantaggi in capo all'industria petrolifera e delle armi.

Anche l'Italia è stata una vittima della "Strategia della Tensione" della CIA, attuata in Italia dai tempi della strage di Portella della Ginestra, in Sicilia, nel 1947, fino al 1993.

Ci sono molte prove di una tale strategia, sia circostanziali che scientifiche. Le relazioni del National Institute of Standards and Technology (NIST), del 20 novembre 2005, hanno sancito le conclusioni di seguito esposte.

Gli aerei che hanno colpito ciascuna delle torri gemelle hanno causato tanto una breccia quanto un'esplosione evidenziata da una gigantesca palla di fuoco. Il carburante rimanente fluiva verso i piani inferiori, alimentando gli incendi. Il calore degli incendi deformava le strutture degli edifici così che entrambe le torri sono crollate completamente da cima a fondo. Molto poco è rimasto di quanto era di qualsiasi dimensione dopo questi eventi, a parte i frammenti in acciaio e in alluminio e i detriti polverizzati provenienti dai pavimenti in cemento. Anche l’edificio 7 del World Trade Center crollò: lo fece in un modo che risultava in contrasto con l'esperienza comune degli ingegneri.

Il rapporto finale del NIST ha affermato che gli attacchi aerei contro le torri gemelle erano la causa dei crolli per tutti e tre gli edifici: WTC1, WTC2 e WTC7.

Tutti e tre gli edifici sono crollati completamente, ma l'edificio 7 non fu colpito da un aereo. Il crollo totale del WTC7 ha violato l'esperienza comune ed era senza precedenti.

Il rapporto del NIST non analizza la reale natura dei crolli. Secondo gli esperti intervenuti nel corso delle Udienze di Toronto (“Toronto Hearings”, 8-11 settembre 2011), i crolli avevano caratteristiche che indicano esplosioni controllate. Sono d'accordo con l’architetto Richard Gage e l’ingegnere Jon Cole, entrambi professionisti di grande esperienza, che sono arrivati alle loro conclusioni attraverso test affidabili, prove scientifiche, e la testimonianza visiva di persone insospettabili, tra cui i vigili del fuoco e le vittime.

L'autorevole teologo David Ray Griffin ha descritto con grande precisione perché l'ipotesi di demolizione controllata dovrebbe essere presa in considerazione. Vari testimoni hanno sentito raffiche di esplosioni.

Secondo il NIST il crollo dell'edificio 7 è stato causato da incendi provocati dal crollo delle torri gemelle. Il chimico e ricercatore indipendente Kevin Ryan, tuttavia, ha dimostrato che il NIST ha dato versioni contraddittorie del crollo dell'edificio 7. In un rapporto preliminare del NIST dichiarava che il WTC7 fu distrutto a causa di incendi provocati da gasolio conservato nel palazzo, mentre in una seconda relazione questo combustibile non era più considerato come la causa del crollo dell'edificio. Ulteriori commenti sulla versione degli eventi data dal NIST sono stati formulati da David Chandler, un altro testimone esperto intervenuto nel corso delle Udienze di Toronto. Nonostante la presunzione del NIST in merito a tre distinte fasi di crollo, Chandler ha sottolineato che molti video disponibili dimostrano che per circa due secondi e mezzo l'accelerazione dell’edificio non può essere distinta da una caduta libera. Il NIST è stato costretto a concordare con con questo fatto empirico come sottolineato da Chandler, e ora comprensibile per chiunque.

Peter Dale Scott, un altro testimone alle Udienze di Toronto, ha dimostrato l'esistenza di un modello d’azione sistematico della CIA volto a bloccare importanti informazioni nei confronti dell'FBI, anche quando l'FBI avrebbe normalmente diritto di ottenerle. Inoltre, ci sono ulteriori elementi di prova contro George Tenet e Tom Wilshire. Secondo l'ex capo dell’antiterrorismo della Casa Bianca, Richard Clarke (intervista rilasciata alla televisione francese e tedesca come parte di un documentario di Fabrizio Calvi e Christopf Klotz ,31 agosto 2011, nonché l'intervista con Calvi e Leo Sisti, "Il Fatto Quotidiano ", 30 agosto 2011) la CIA era a conoscenza dell’imminente attacco dell’11/9.

Inoltre, dal 1999 la CIA aveva indagato Khalid al-Mihdhar e Nawaf al-Hamzi, entrambi sauditi, che sono stati associati con l'aereo della American Airlines che ha colpito il Pentagono. La CIA era stata informata che Khalid al-Mihdhar e Nawaf al-Hamzi erano arrivati negli Stati Uniti all'inizio del 2000. È legittimo dedurre che Tenet, capo della CIA, e Wilshire, secondo Peter Dale Scott una "figura chiave" nella Alec Station, bloccarono gli sforzi di due agenti dell'FBI, Doug Miller e Mark Rossini, intesi a notificare al centro FBI che uno dei partecipanti alla riunione di Kuala Lumpur, al-Mihdhar, aveva ottenuto un visto USA attraverso il consolato degli Stati Uniti a Jeddah. Il professor Scott, basandosi sulla ricerca di Kevin Fenton, cita 35 occasioni in cui i dirottatori sono stati protetti in questo modo, a partire dal gennaio del 2000 al 5 settembre 2001. Con riferimento al precedente di questi incidenti, il motivo di questa protezione era evidentemente, secondo Fenton, «per coprire un'operazione della CIA che era già in corso.»

Ulteriore prova indiziaria contro Tenet e Wilshire è la seguente. Il 12 luglio 2001 Osama bin Laden si trovava nell’ospedale americano di Dubai. Fu visitato da un agente della CIA. Questa informazione è stata data a Le Figaro, che ha anche riferito che bin Laden era stato operato in questo ospedale, essendo arrivato da Quetta (Pakistan). Questa informazione è stata confermata da Radio France International, che ha rivelato il nome dell'agente che ha incontrato bin Laden: Larry Mitchell. Tenet e Wilshire, consapevoli della presenza di bin Laden negli Emirati Arabi Uniti, non sono riusciti a farlo arrestare né estradare, anche se i documenti dell'FBI e della CIA lo ritenevano responsabile di massacri in Kenya e Tanzania.

L'insider trading è una forte ulteriore prova contro la CIA, l’FBI e il governo degli Stati Uniti.

Gli articoli del professor Paul Zarembka, così come da Kevin Ryan e altri, dimostrano che tali casi di insider trading hanno avuto luogo nei giorni immediatamente precedenti rispetto agli attentati. Eppure questi casi di insider trading sono stati negati dall'FBI e dalla Commissione d’inchiesta sull’11/9.

Ulteriore prova contro la CIA e l'amministrazione degli Stati Uniti è la seguente. Mohammed Atta, almeno a partire dal maggio 2000, era sotto sorveglianza della CIA in Germania, secondo la Commissione sull’11/9, sia perché era accusato sin dal 1986 di attentati contro Israele, sia perché era stato sorpreso mentre acquistava grandi quantità di prodotti chimici per l'uso in esplosivi a Francoforte (The Observer, 30 settembre 2001). È stato indagato dal servizio segreto egiziano e il suo telefono cellulare era sotto controllo. Nel novembre del 1999 Mohammed Atta lasciò Amburgo, andò a Karachi, in Pakistan, e poi a Kandahar. Qui ha incontrato bin Laden e lo sceicco Omar Saeed (secondo la rivista specializzata in questioni di sicurezza interna GlobalSecurity.org, alla voce "Movements of Mohammed Atta"). Dopo giugno 2000 gli USA hanno continuato a monitorare Atta, intercettando le sue conversazioni con Khalid Sheikh Mohammed, considerato il regista del 9/11, che ha vissuto in Pakistan.

Una forte prova del fatto che la CIA era a conoscenza dei movimenti irregolari di Atta dagli Stati Uniti verso l'Europa e all’interno degli Stati Uniti è il documento declassificato della CIA inviato dall'Agenzia a G.W Bush (President’s Daily Brief – Ndt: “relazione breve giornaliera per il presidente”). Questo documento, del 6 agosto 2001, dice: «Bin Laden determinato a colpire in USA.» E continua: "relazioni di provenienza clandestina, di governi stranieri, e dei media indicano che bin Laden sin dal 1997 ha voluto condurre attacchi terroristici negli Stati Uniti. Bin Laden ha inteso in interviste a televisioni statunitensi nel 1997 e nel 1998 che i suoi seguaci avrebbero seguito l'esempio dell’attentatore del World Trade Center Ramzi Yousef, e avrebbero “portato i combattimenti in America”.»

Dopo gli attacchi missilistici degli Stati Uniti sulla sua base in Afghanistan nel 1998, bin Laden disse ai seguaci che voleva infliggere una rappresaglia a danno di Washington, secondo un servizio di intelligence straniero. Un membro operativo egiziano della Jihad islamica ha rivelato a un agente di un servizio segreto straniero, nel frattempo, che bin Laden aveva intenzione di sfruttare l'accesso operativo agli Stati Uniti per organizzare un attacco terroristico ...

Una fonte clandestina ha affermato nel 1998, che una cellula di bin Laden a New York stava reclutando giovani musulmani americani per gli attentati.

Questo documento dimostra che la CIA, l’FBI, così come il presidente Bush, conoscevano già dal 6 agosto 2001 chi aveva un accesso operativo: Atta. Nessuno ha goduto di un tale accesso negli Stati Uniti quanto Atta. Ma la CIA, l’FBI e Bush non hanno fatto nulla per fermarlo.

In Italia ho raccolto prove che la guerra in Iraq è stata decisa dal governo degli Stati Uniti prima degli attacchi dell'11/9 con l'aiuto dei servizi segreti italiani. Secondo Michel Chossudovsky, gli attacchi dell'11/9 sono stati usati come pretesto per la guerra, avendo avuto come sfondo i molti anni in cui si è avuta la creazione e il sostegno da parte della CIA della rete terroristica ora conosciuta come al-Qa’ida. Oggi c'è il pericolo di una nuova "guerra preventiva" contro l'Iran da parte degli Stati Uniti. Questo potrebbe essere terribile per la gente di tutto il mondo e potrebbe anche distruggere una gran parte dell'umanità.

L'unica possibilità per avere giustizia è quello di presentare le migliori prove relative al coinvolgimento di singoli individui nei fatti dell’11/9 al Procuratore della Corte penale internazionale chiedendogli di indagare in base agli articoli 12, 13, 15 e 17, lettere a e b, dello Statuto della Corte penale internazionale, ricordando anche il preambolo della Statuto:

  • Riconoscere che tali gravi reati minacciano la pace, la sicurezza e il benessere del mondo,
  • Affermare che i reati più gravi che sono motivo di allarme per la comunità internazionale nel suo insieme non debbano rimanere impuniti e che la loro repressione debba essere efficacemente garantita mediante provvedimenti adottati a livello nazionale ed attraverso il rafforzamento della cooperazione internazionale,
  • Essere determinati a porre fine all'impunità degli autori di tali crimini e quindi di contribuire al perseguimento di tali reati,
  • Ricordare il dovere di ogni Stato di esercitare la propria giurisdizione nei confronti dei responsabili di reati internazionali ...

Ferdinando Imposimato, settembre 2012.

Fonte: http://www.journalof911studies.com/resources/2012-September---Imposimato-letter.pdf.

Il testo in inglese è stato trascritto anche QUI.

Traduzione per Megachip a cura di Pino Cabras.

ferdinando imposimato megachFerdinando Imposimato è presidente onorario aggiunto della Suprema Corte di Cassazione ed ex senatore e deputato. A lungo ha fatto parte della Commissione bicamerale Antimafia.

Da magistrato ha istruito alcuni tra i più importanti processi sul terrorismo (il caso Aldo Moro, l'attentato al papa Giovanni Paolo II, il caso Bachelet). Ha scoperto la “pista bulgara” e altre connessioni terroristiche internazionali. Innumerevoli i processi contro mafia e camorra. Tra gli altri, ha istruito il caso Michele Sindona e il processo alla Banda della Magliana.

È autore o co-autore di sette libri sul terrorismo internazionale, la corruzione statale, e di questioni connesse, nonché Grand'Ufficiale dell'Ordine al merito della Repubblica Italiana.

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http://www.reopen911.info/News/2011/11/15/justice-le-juge-italien-imposimato-explique-comment-et-pourquoi-il-va-denoncer-ladministration-bush-et-la-cia-devant-la-cour-penale-internationale-de-la-haye-video/

video in italiano at link with french subtitles

Imposimato sur Pandora TV : "11 Septembre : jusqu’à aujourd’hui aucun procès, aucune vérité. Nous, nous allons essayer."

publié sur Megachip, le 4 nov. 2011

Traduction GV pour ReOpenNews

Lors d’une interview effectuée par le journaliste et ex-député européen Giulietto Chiesa sur PandoraTV.it, le Président honoraire de la Cour de Cassation Ferdinando Imposimato confirme son intention de présenter une plainte devant la Cour pénale internationale de La Haye afin de pouvoir lancer un procès à charge contre les institutions qui ont contribué à la tragédie du 11 septembre 2001.

M. Imposimato avait déjà annoncé ce projet retentissant. Mais pratiquement aucun média ne s’en est fait l’écho jusqu’ici. Il en [a de nouveau] parlé à l’occasion de la conférence de presse [qui a réuni ZERO journalistes et ZERO parlementaires, hormis les 3 qui l’organisaient – NdT] le 3 novembre dernier, en compagnie de l’ex-sénateur US Mike Gravel, celui qui révéla devant le Congrès américain les Pentagon Papers, sorte de Wikileaks des années 60 concernant les secrets de la guerre du Vietnam.

Le magistrat italien a participé, en tant que juge d’instruction, aux procès d’affaires de terrorisme parmi les plus importantes de l’histoire italienne, comme celle de l’affaire Aldo Moro, ou de la tentative d’assassinat contre Jean-Paul II, révélant pour le coup l’interférence diffuse entre le terrorisme en Italie et les services secrets de différents pays, y compris ceux israéliens et russes.

Dans cette interview conduite par Giulietto Chiesa, Imposimato insiste sur l’insuffisance absolue des enquêtes officielles menées jusqu’à aujourd’hui sur les attentats du 11/9, sans aucun respect des règles « standards » communément appliquées lors des « Dual Process » anglo-saxons. Le magistrat évoque le cas de l’effondrement des Tours, au cours duquel ces dernières ce sont littéralement désintégrées en quelques secondes, un phénomène analysé officiellement uniquement par des agences spécialisées liées au gouvernement US, comme le National Institute of Standards & technology (NIST).

« Pour des cas comme celui-là – explique Imposimato – dans n’importe quel pays du monde, d’abord il y a un procès public, contre les responsables », autrement dit le vaste réseau des complices des présumés pirates. « Au cours de ce procès public, il faudrait donner la possibilité aux victimes, aux familles de victimes du 11/9, d’apporter leur contribution, leur savoir, au travers de leurs propres experts. Car d’après les règles du "Dual process of Law", qui ont été définies justement aux États-Unis, un pays de "Common Law", il ne faut pas que ces vérifications soient faites par une seule autorité, celle qui défend l’État, qui est potentiellement responsable de ces faits, mais qu’elles soient menées de façon contradictoire. D’un côté, vous avez l’expert du Ministère public, du prosecutor, et de l’autre vous avez l’expert nommé par les familles de victimes

Chiesa demande à Imposimato s’il ne lui semble pas étrange qu’à part le procès de Moussaoui – lequel n’a pas participé aux attentats puisque le 11 septembre 2001 il était en prison – aucun procès n’ait eu lieu concernant cette tragédie. « C’est l’indice d’une volonté de dissimuler les attentats qui ne s’est pas vue ailleurs dans le monde. » s’insurge Imposimato, qui ajoute : « nous ne pouvons pas accepter une vérité qui nous vient du NIST. » Dans la suite de l’entretien, Imposimato réduit en miettes, juriquement parlant, les bribes d’investigations menées jusqu’à maintenant, comme les « aveux » extorqués sous la torture au cerveau présumé des attentats, Khalid Sheikh Mohammed, qui sont parfaitement inutilisables lors d’un procès, quel qu’il soit.

Le magistrat, auteur du livre «Terrorismo internazionale, la verità nascosta » (Koiné, 2002) (Terrorisme international, la vérité cachée) explique que les règles de la Cour pénale internationale (CPI) s’appliquent même aux pays qui n’ont pas ratifié la convention ni reconnu formellement sa juridiction : ce fut le cas, par exemple, pour la Libye de Kadhafi, et juridiquement parlant, c’est exactement la même chose pour l’Administration américaine. La plainte ne pourra donc pas être prise à la légère

TRANSCRIPT DE L’INTERVIEW DE FERDINANDO IMPOSIMATO par GIULIETTO CHIESA

Ferdinando Imposimato : En fait, je m’occupe du 11-Septembre depuis presque 11 ans. Paradoxalement, j’ai commencé à m’intéresser à la possibilité d’un attentat sur le territoire des États-Unis depuis 2000, pour la simple raison que j’avais lu dans plusieurs journaux ou documents des déclarations d’Oussama Ben Laden sur la possibilité d’un attentat sur le sol américain. Le 11 septembre 2001, je devais être aux USA, pour représenter une ONG qui s’occupe de lutte antidrogue, mais je n’y suis pas allé parce que je craignais que ne se produise précisément ce genre d’événement. Ça avait été annoncé plusieurs fois, je ne suis pas magicien, j’étudie simplement les indices et finalement je n’y suis pas allé. Je suis surpris que la Commission qui a enquêté sur les faits du 11/9, l’une des 2 commissions, ait dit que ces attentats furent une surprise. Comment peuvent-ils dire que ce fut une surprise si moi, modeste juge, ex-juge d’instruction du Tribunal de Rome, j’ai pu avoir cette sensation à partir des éléments qui émergeaient publiquement, et eux parlent de surprise, au moment où les autorités US avaient reçu une multitude d’informations qui laissaient entrevoir un attentat de ce type.

Giulietto Chiesa : Vous dites qu’il y a eu "Participation active à une tragédie" d’une partie des autorités.

Ferdinando Imposimato : Les faits sont les suivants : la CIA savait pertinemment que Mohammed Atta préparait des attentats, et la CIA suivait et surveillait Atta depuis 1998 en Allemagne, à Hambourg. Même la Commission reconnait ce fait. La CIA a pisté Mohammed Atta, au moyen d’écoutes téléphoniques en Allemagne jusqu’au 2 juin 2000. Mohammed Atta part alors de Hambourg pour Venice (Floride), et commence son entrainement à l’école de pilotage Huffman.

Ici, il faut évoquer une série de faits qui se sont produits : Mohammed Atta ne possédait pas de visa en règle de type M1, ce qu’il aurait dû avoir. Il a obtenu un visa du Consulat de Djeddah (Émirats Arabes Unis), lequel était géré par la CIA, comme l’ont dit plusieurs témoins. Donc la CIA contrôlait parfaitement toutes les personnes qui délivraient les visas. Cela constitue le "vice" de cette affaire, car au consulat de Djeddah, ont été fournis des visas et des passeports qui n’auraient pas dû l’être, puisqu’ils concernaient des terroristes qui avaient déjà été signalés comme terroristes par l’Arabie Saoudite. Ces individus sont partis en janvier 2001, le 15 janvier 2001, pour Los Angeles. La CIA le savait pertinemment, puisque c’est elle qui avait délivré les visas, vu qu’elle est présente au consulat de Djeddah, pourtant, la CIA n’a pas averti le FBI.

Giulietto Chiesa : Dr. Imposimato, excusez-moi, mais non seulement la CIA savait, mais le FBI savait aussi, puisque selon l’enquête officielle numéro 1, qui était secrète, mais que nous commençons à mieux connaître, ces documents sont parvenus à la 2e Commission, la Commission officielle sur le 11/9, et que mis à part Mohammed Atta, deux autres terroristes ont habité pendant 10 mois, à partir du 15 janvier 2001, à San Diego en Californie, chez un agent du FBI, Abdus Sattar Shaikh De plus, ils ont reçu de l’argent d’un autre agent du FBI, al-Bayoumi.

Ferdinando Imposimato : Attention, il faut faire la distinction. Certains agents du FBI ont dénoncé ces faits. L’un d’eux est Kenneth Williams, qui est cité dans le livre de Jesse Ventura. Il faut lire attentivement ces documents, dans lesquels il est écrit que des agents ont fait leur devoir en avertissant le siège. Le chef du FBI était alors Robert Mueller, je crois. Et bien, il existe une règle de droit internationale qui dit que si une autorité a connaissance d’actes qui sont sur le point de se produire, et qu’elle n’agit pas pour les empêcher, cette autorité, cette personne, ce sujet "participe" aux attentats. C’est écrit dans le Code pénal italien, article 40.

Ne pas empêcher un acte que le devoir demande d’empêcher équivaut à le perpétrer. Article 40 du Code pénal italien. On retrouve cette règle dans le Code pénal fédéral des États-Unis, qui parle de « causes », et qui s’applique aussi bien à la participation active qu’à celle par omission.

Tout cela en considérant la meilleure des hypothèses, à savoir que la CIA savait, mais n’a rien fait pour empêcher l’événement. Il faut aussi examiner, approfondir, une autre hypothèse, celle où la CIA aurait soutenu activement ces terroristes, car elle les a aidés en leur fournissant des visas alors qu’elle n’aurait pas dû, puisqu’il s’agissait de personnes déjà soupçonnées de terrorisme, et en leur permettant de demeurer sur le territoire des USA et de s’entrainer dans les écoles de pilotage, et là c’est un comportement actif. Nous avons donc d’un côté un comportement par omission, pour ne pas avoir empêché les attentats, bien qu’ils aient su à l’avance, et d’autre part un comportement actif, par la délivrance des visas, mais aussi par le financement de Mohamed Atta et des autres, à travers un certain Ahmed Omar Saeed Sheikh, un individu bien connu de la CIA, un citoyen anglais qui était en contact avec l’ISI, les services secrets pakistanais, et le chef de l’ISI est précisément celui qui, d’après des informations provenant du FBI, aurait ordonné, le chef de l’ISI à ce Sheikh Omar, le versement de 120.000 dollars à Mohammed Atta.

Un an avant l’attaque contre les Tours Jumelles, [Atta] aurait reçu cette somme par l’intermédiaire d’une banque située aux Émirats arabes unis. Ceci est un fait reconnu, et qui a mené à la démission du chef de l’ISI. Mais d’après le Code pénal de n’importe quel pays, cette personne aurait dû être inculpée ! pour "complicité de crime". La connaissance du financement par le chef de l’ISI imposait à toute autorité judiciaire dans le monde d’inculper le chef de l’ISI de "complicité de crime", de "complicité morale".

Ce ne sont que des exemples pour montrer que sur ces faits, il fallait, et il faut investiguer, car ce sont des faits qui exigent une enquête de la part des autorités judiciaires américaines. Si ces autorités ne font pas cette enquête, quelqu’un d’autre devra le faire à leur place.

Giulietto Chiesa : Je voudrais vous poser une question : pourquoi selon vous la Commission sur le 11/9 n’a pratiquement pas abordé ces points.

Ferdinando Imposimato : Il y a visiblement eu une volonté de dissimuler ces faits extrêmement embarrassants. Je ne parle pas d’accusations génériques contre toute l’administration américaine, ou contre l’Amérique, je parle de faits précis qui concernent des personnes dans les hautes sphères de la CIA, et du chef du FBI. Car le chef du FBI a été régulièrement informé par des rapports envoyés les 6 juillet, 10 juillet, 15 juillet, 6 août par de courageux et loyaux agents du FBI. Et aucune suite n’a été donnée à ces informations.

Giulietto Chiesa : Bien. Vous faites référence aux 3 Tours détruites ce matin-là. Enfin, 2 le matin, frappées par les avions, et l’autre l’après-midi, sans qu’aucun avion ne la percute. Il me semble avoir compris que vous croyez à une certaine préparation qui irait au-delà de l’activité de supposés terroristes, car pour faire s’effondrer les Tours en les minant à l’avance, il faut que quelqu’un l’ait fait, et ce ne sont pas les terroristes qui ont pu faire cela.

Ferdinando Imposimato : Je ne suis pas un scientifique, et pour ces aspects, le juge, le Ministère public (prosecutor) doit s’en remettre à un scientifique. Il ressort de l’analyse faite par ces scientifiques, il apparait clairement qu’il est impossible qu’un bâtiment doté de structures métalliques, extrêmement robustes, dans une partie au moins de l’édifice, puisse se désagréger et s’effondrer en quelques secondes. J’ai moi-même vu tomber cette tour, et qui se désintégrait en quelques secondes. Car cela est en contradiction avec la présence d’une structure en acier à l’intérieur.

Alors pour moi, dans ces cas-là, dans n’importe quel pays du monde, d’abord il y a un procès public, contre les responsables, Moussaoui, le chef de l’ISI, contre ceux qui sont identifiés comme complices des [pirates] qui sont morts. Au cours de ce procès public, il faudrait donner la possibilité aux victimes, aux familles de victimes du 11/9, d’apporter leur contribution, leur savoir, au travers de leurs propres experts. Car d’après les règles du "Dual process of Law" qui ont été définies justement aux États-Unis, un pays de "Common Law", il ne faut pas que ces vérifications soient faites par une seule autorité, celle qui défend l’État, qui est potentiellement responsable de ces faits, mais qu’elles soient menées de façon contradictoire. D’un côté, on a l’expert du Ministère public, du prosecutor, et de l’autre vous avez l’expert nommé par les familles de victimes.

Giulietto Chiesa : Vous ne trouvez pas bizarre que durant ces 10 années, à part le procès Moussaoui qui n’a pas participé aux attentats puisqu’il était en prison, aucun procès n’ait eu lieu aux USA, personne n’a été jugé.

Ferdinando Imposimato : C’est très surprenant, et c’est surtout l’indice d’une volonté de dissimuler les attentats qui ne s’est pas vue ailleurs dans le monde. D’après moi, il faudrait un procès public aux États-Unis, pour donner la possibilité aux parties intéressées, sans parler du recours collectif qui peut s’appliquer à tous les citoyens, mais surtout pour permettre aux familles de victimes de connaitre la vérité, qui n’est pas celle officielle. Car nous ne pouvons pas accepter une vérité qui nous vient du NIST.

Giulietto Chiesa : Laissez-moi vous poser une question sur l’aspect juridique. Quelle est la valeur des témoignages de ces personnes qui ont été, comme Khalid Sheikh Mohammed, soumises à de multiples séances de "Waterboarding" ?

Ferdinando Imposimato : Aucune valeur.

Giulietto Chiesa : Même aux USA ?

Ferdinando Imposimato : Oui, même aux USA, car il existe des règles universelles sur le procès juste. Rappelez-vous que les USA ont signé des conventions internationales, j’en citerai une : Le pacte international des droits civils et politiques, signé à New York en décembre 1966, a été ratifié par les USA. Dans cette convention, les USA s’engagent à respecter les règles du "procès juste", de respecter les témoins, les accusés, et si l’on force quelqu’un et que cela porte atteinte à la crédibilité d’une version, d’un témoin, qui ne parle pas spontanément, qui collabore avec la justice, mais de façon forcée et non spontanée, cette collaboration n’a pas de valeur, d’autant que cette collaboration s’est faite hors de toute présence des défenseurs des parties civiles. Ce témoignage n’a absolument aucune valeur.

Giulietto Chiesa : Nous sommes à 1000 lieues de cela, puisque les deux coprésidents de la Commission d’enquête ont écrit un livre où ils expliquent qu’ils n’ont rien vu de ces interrogatoires, et même la Commission d’enquête n’a pas eu accès ni aux enregistrements, ni les procès-verbaux de l’interrogatoire. Et donc, c’est le noir le plus total.

Ferdinando Imposimato : Oui, mais il est possible de mettre tout cela au clair. D’abord parce que le secret d’État, par rapport à des faits relevant d’une tragédie, ne peut pas être utilisé. Ceci est une règle universelle qui vaut pour l’Italie, pour les États-Unis. Et donc, il n’est pas possible d’invoquer le secret d’État pour empêcher la divulgation de documents cruciaux pour l’enquête

Giulietto Chiesa : Même aux USA ?

Ferdinando Imposimato : Oui, même aux USA. Car cela s’applique à la sécurité, mais quelle sécurité ? Nous parlons ici de la nécessité de savoir la vérité sur des faits qui ont vu la mort de 3000 personnes. Le secret d’État doit être écarté, d’abord parce qu’il est anticonstitutionnel et contraire aux conventions internationales. Ensuite, le statut de la Cour pénale internationale (CPI, ci-contre) établit des règles qui selon moi s’appliquent à tous les pays, même ceux qui ne l’ont pas signé.

Giulietto Chiesa : Selon vous, pourquoi est-ce que l’administration Obama, qui est arrivée après l’administration Bush qui est mise en cause dans cette tragédie, n’a-t-elle rien fait pour éclaircir cette affaire ?

Ferdinando Imposimato : D’après moi, il y a d’abord le problème qu’il n’est pas bien informé sur le sujet. Car les gens ont pratiqué la désinformation. Ici il y a eu une opération continue de désinformation. Car si vous regardez ce qui s’est passé après le 11-Septembre, à propos du Nigergate(*), vous vous rendez compte que cette affaire du Nigergate, consistant à construire toute une série de mensonges éhontés pour justifier de l’intervention armée en Irak, on la doit à la désinformation pratiquée par certains journaux, et à certains journalistes, comme Judith Miller, ou d’autres journaux, le Washington Post, le New York Times, et malheureusement aussi La Repubblica, qui a écrit avant même le début de la guerre en mars 2003, des choses qu’elle a dû démentir par la suite. Quand on a découvert tous ces mensonges, après la guerre, c’était devenu inutile… D’abord, ils ont alimenté la théorie de la nécessité de la guerre préventive, ensuite il y a eu la guerre, et seulement après ils ont reconnu leur erreur, mais c’était inutile. Et puis la guerre a continué pendant 7 ans.

Giulietto Chiesa : …et encore aujourd’hui

Ferdinando Imposimato : Alors, selon moi, Obama n’a pas une connaissance parfaite, car même Obama ne sait pas tout, il lit les journaux. J’ai moi-même lu les articles dans le Corriere della Sera, de personnages qui sont venus en Italie pour théoriser la nécessité de la guerre préventive. Et cela a mené à une désinformation totale, car nos journaux se sont prêtés au jeu, et ont servi de caisse de résonance aux fausses informations diffusées aux USA.

Giulietto Chiesa : Mais quand le Secrétaire d’État Collin Powell, devant le conseil de Sécurité de l’ONU, déclare en public "nous avons les preuves" et montre une fiole noire en disant "nous avons les preuves que Saddam Hussein a des armes de destruction massive", n’est pas aussi une sorte de crime ?

Ferdinando Imposimato : C’est à mi-chemin entre la stupidité et la mauvaise foi. On ne sait pas bien, car ce n’est pas une flèche ce Colin Powell. J’opterais plus pour la stupidité que pour la mauvaise foi, car on ne dit pas comme ça qu’on a les preuves… Bush lui-même a déclaré, après la guerre, qu’il s’agissait d’une erreur. Ce n’était pas une erreur. C’était préparé. Et une dernière chose, extrêmement grave. Lors de l’instruction menée par la Commission sur le 11/9, il est mentionné que la CIA a établi un lien entre le 11-Septembre et Saddam Hussein. Ceci est un mensonge éhonté qui a été démenti par cette même commission, mais cela signifie que la CIA a tenté de construire ce lien pour attribuer la responsabilité à Saddam Hussein, et pour justifier la guerre. Alors, comme vous le voyez, on ne peut pas regarder de façon isolée les faits du 11/9. il faut regarder ce qui s’est passé avant, et après.

Giulietto Chiesa : Entièrement d’accord, aucun doute là-dessus. Résumons : vous vous proposez de porter ces faits à l’attention de la Cour pénale internationale de La Haye. Cela m’amène à deux questions : d’abord, les États-Unis ne reconnaissent pas la "territorialité", l’intervention de ce tribunal sur les affaires internes aux USA. Il y a eu bien sûr des implications internationales gigantesques. Juste après le 11/9, les USA ont demandé une réunion de l’OTAN, qui a eu lieu le 1er octobre 2001, et les États-Unis se sont présentés à Bruxelles en disant "nous avons les preuves". Or ces preuves n’ont jamais été rendues publiques. Et donc, c’est aussi une affaire européenne. Cela s’est passé en Europe dans le cadre de l’Alliance atlantique, avec une affirmation qui n’a pas été suivie de faits. Reste le point sur lequel je voudrais insister : La Cour pénale internationale de La Haye, que peut-elle faire, et selon vous, comment pourrait-elle réagir à une initiative de ce type qui a des répercussions mondiales, puisque l’histoire de ces 10 dernières années, si vous avez raison, et je pense que c’est le cas, doit être entièrement réexaminée.

Ferdinando Imposimato : Alors, nous avons le droit et le devoir de connaître la vérité, car ce qui s’est produit le 11-Septembre ne concerne pas seulement les USA, cela concerne l’humanité tout entière. Car, de cet événement, sont nées deux guerres. Et cela a déclenché la crise mondiale que nous vivons, qui a pris ses racines dans les événements du 11/9. Ce n’est donc pas une affaire qui relève de la curiosité historique et basta, c’est une obligation pour éviter que ne se produisent d’autres guerres préventives de ce genre, car ce risque existe bel et bien. Donc, nous avons le devoir de demander, et nous l’avons fait officieusement, aux autorités américaines d’enquêter sur ces faits précis. Si les autorités US ne font rien, comme je le crains, nous devrons nous adresser à La Haye, à la Cour pénale internationale de La Haye. Cette Cour, peut selon moi, et selon l’usage, intervenir même à l’encontre de pays qui n’ont pas ratifié les statuts de la Cour pénale internationale. Par exemple, Kadhafi n’a pas signé ces statuts, pourtant ils ont lancé un mandat d’arrêt contre lui. Cela montre bien que la Cour pénale internationale n’a pas besoin de la ratification d’un pays pour intervenir à son encontre. Si la CPI a pu lancer ce mandat d’arrêt contre Kadhafi, le chef d’un État qui n’était pas signataire des statuts, cela signifie que la CPI peut intervenir, et c’est logique. Car il existe des pays où les droits humains sont violés, où sont commis des crimes contre l’humanité, sur lesquels la CPI est compétente comme le stipule l’article 7 des statuts. Et bien, lorsque de tels crimes sont commis, la CPI peut intervenir, même par la force, pour réprimer ces crimes. Par conséquent, même si l’Amérique n’a pas ratifié les statuts de la CPI, cela ne constitue pas un obstacle à l’affirmation de la juridiction de la CPI vis-à-vis des États-Unis. Bien sûr, c’est un pays démocratique, très puissant, mais les règles sont ce qu’elles sont. Je voudrais d’ailleurs rappeler une chose. Il y a eu récemment la dénonciation par un citoyen contre le Vatican. Le Vatican n’a pas ratifié non plus [ces statuts]. Et donc, la CPI, après avoir procédé à toutes les vérifications, recueilli et évalué toutes les preuves, peut tout à fait intervenir même dans les pays dans lesquels la justice n’est pas assurée, lorsque se produit une violation des droits humains, et les juger pour crimes contre l’humanité.

Giulietto Chiesa : Comment comptez-vous procéder techniquement vis-à-vis du tribunal, et quelles sont les possibles réactions "techniques", et pas seulement politiques que le tribunal est tenu de suivre ?

Ferdinando Imposimato : Nous allons nous adresser au Procureur de la CPI et lui remettre notre plainte la plus documentée possible, dans laquelle nous exposerons les faits, qui selon nous constituent une complicité de crime contre l’humanité, complicité active ou complicité par omission, et nous lui demanderons d’approfondir, de vérifier les faits, en écoutant les témoins que nous lui indiquerons, en examinant les documents, et en exigeant l’abolition du Secret d’État, puisque nous-mêmes n’avons pas eu accès à ces documents, tout comme la Commission. En somme, mener une instruction complète, afin d’établir s’il existe des éléments pour condamner, ou du moins pour juger les personnes responsables de ces faits.

Ferdinando Imposimato : Nous avons les idées claires. Nous voulons rassembler le maximum de données, de documents, de toute provenance, y compris de la presse sérieuse et responsable, et d’organismes officiels d’investigation. Et même de livres comme celui de Jesse Ventura, mais aussi des enquêtes. etc. Nous allons recueillir toutes les preuves et les indices pouvant être utiles pour reconstruire la dynamique des événements, et aussi les responsabilités de ceux qui avaient le devoir d’intervenir et qui ne l’ont pas fait, ou de ceux qui ont aidé les terroristes à accomplir les attentats du 11/9.

Giulietto Chiesa : Combien de temps peut prendre la réponse ? Y a-t-il un délai maximum ?

Ferdinando Imposimato : Non, pas de délai maximum. Ce n’est pas un délit contre une personne qui peut être poursuivie pour querelle partisane. Ce crime contre l’humanité, le 11-Septembre, comme d’autres, est un crime imprescriptible. Il peut être dénoncé à tout moment. Nous devons d’abord réunir tous ces documents, puis il faudra les trier, car on ne peut pas donner tout cela d’un seul coup, et enfin nous déposerons cette plainte que je signerai, en demandant à tous ceux qui voudront signer avec moi de le faire, après l’avoir lue, examinée, validée. Et donc, d’ici quelques mois, nous irons déposer cette plainte.

Giulietto Chiesa : Merci beaucoup.

Ferdinando Imposimato : Merci à vous.



Tuesday, 30 November 2010

hariri's murder: german uranium mini missile

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http://www.voltairenet.org/article167553.html

source: reseau Voltaire

Revelations on Rafik Hariri’s assassination

Thierry Meyssan

Moscow
29 November 2010

While western media have announced that indictments against Hezbollah will be issued shortly by the Special Tribunal for Lebanon, Russian magazine Odnako challenges the entire UN investigation. Thierry Meyssan posits that the weapon used to assassinate former Prime Minister Rafik Hairiri was supplied by Germany. Former German prosecutor and first commissioner in charge of the UN probe, Detlev Mehlis, seemingly doctored evidence to cover up his country’s involvement. These revelations embarrass the Tribunal and reverse the tide in Lebanon.

All the conflicts rocking the Middle East today crystallize around the Special Tribunal for Lebanon (STL). Peace hinges on it, and so does war. For some, the STL should bring about the dissolution of the Hezbollah, quell the Resistance and establish a Pax Americana. Others consider that the STL is flouting the law and subverting the truth to ensure the takeover of a new colonial order in the region.

The Tribunal was created on 30 May 2007, pursuant to UN Security Council resolution 1757, to prosecute the alleged sponsors of former Prime Minister Rafik Hariri’s assassination. In the political context at that time, this implied nothing more and nothing less than bringing to trial serving Presidents Bashar el-Assad of Syria and Emile Lahoud of Lebanon, not exactly favourites of the neo-conservatives. However, the charges were not pursued since they were based on flimsy evidence planted by false witnesses. With no accused left, the Tribunal could easily have disappeared in the meanders of bureaucracy were it not for a turn of events that catapulted it back into the epicenter of the turbulent Middle East political scene.

On 23 May 2009, Atlanticist journalist Erick Follath disclosed on Der Spiegel Online that the prosecutor was poised to indict new suspects: certain Hezbollah military leaders. For the past 18 months, Hassan Nasrallah, Hezbollah’s secretary-general, has been proclaiming his party’s innocence. He maintains that the real aim of the proceedings is to decapitate the Resistance and clear the region for the Israeli army. For its part, the U.S. administration in a sudden surge of righteousness pledged that no one would be allowed to shun international Justice.

In any event, the indictment - which all believe to be imminent - against Shia leaders for the assassination of a Sunni leader is of such a nature as to spark off a fitna, namely a Muslim civil war, plummeting the region into new depths of bloodshed and violence.

During his 15 and 16 November official visit to Moscow, Saad Hariri - current Lebanese Prime Minister and son of the deceased - reiterated that the political exploitation of the Tribunal exposes his country to the risk of a new conflagration. President Medvedev retorted that Russia wants Justice to be served and reproves any attempt to discredit, weaken or delay the Tribunal’s proceedings. This position of principle arises from the confidence that the Kremlin decided to place in the STL. But it risks being severely eroded by Odnako’s revelations.

Indeed, we deemed it desirable to delve into the circumstances of Rafik Hariri’s assassination. The data we unearthed has opened a new avenue, making one wonder why it had never been explored until now. In the course of our lengthy investigation, we encountered a great number of actors, too many no doubt, so that the news of our work spread quickly, alarming those for whom the assassination trail implicating the armed Lebanese Resistance represents a real godsent. Aiming to intimidate us, the Jerusalem Post on 18 October launched a preventive attack through a piece referring to our work. In a purely libelous vein, it accuses the author of this article of having received 1 million dollars from Iran to exonerate Hezbollah.

Getting down to facts, Rafik Hariri’s convoy was attacked in Beirut on 14 February 2005. Twenty-three people were killed and one hundred injured. A preliminary report commissioned by the Security Council calls attention to the unprofessional conduct of the Lebanese magistrates and police. To redress the situation, the SC assigned its own investigators, providing them with the important means that Lebanon was unable to offer. From the outset of the investigation, it was generally accepted that the attack had been perpetrated by a suicide bomber driving a van packed with explosives.

Having been established to compensate for the Lebanese lack of professionalism, one would have expected the United Nations mission to scrupulously observe the classical criminal procedures. Not so! The crime scene - on the basis of the topography still intact as well as the photos and video footage shot on that day - was not examined in detail. The victims were not exhumed and no autopsies were performed. For a long time, no attempt was made to ascertain the modus operandi. After discarding the hypothesis of a bomb buried in the ground, the investigators espoused the one involving the van withough bothering to verify it.


And yet, this version is implausible: looking at the crime scene, anyone can easily observe the very large and deep crater that a surface explosion could not have dug out. Faced with the adamancy of the Swiss experts who refused to endorse the official version, on 19 October the Special Tribunal for Lebanon (STL) recreated the crime scene behind closed doors. It didn’t take place in Lebanon, nor in the Netherlands which is the seat of the STL, but in France, one of the countries funding the Tribunal. The buildings surrounding the crime scene were reconstructed and earth was brought in from Beirut. The convoy was reconstituted, including the armoured vehicle. The aim was to demonstrate that the height of the concrete buildings had confined the explosion, making it possible for the blast to produce the crater. The results of this costly experiment have never been divulged.

When looking at the photos and videos taken immediately after the attack, the first most striking feature is the blaze. Car parts and various types of objects are burning all around. Then, the bodies of the victims: they are charred on one side and intact on the other. An astonishing phenomenon which bears no resemblance to what is normally caused by conventional explosives. The theory that the van was transporting a mix of RDX, PETN and TNT does not account for the damages occurred.

What is more, from the photos showing Rafik Hariri’s corpse one can observe that his solid gold wristwatch has melted, whereas the collar of his luxury shirt still hugs his neck in pristine condition.

So, what really happened?

The explosion generated a blast of an exceptionally intense heat and exceptionally brief duration. Thus, the flesh exposed to the blast was instantly carbonized, while the body underneath was not burnt.

High-density objects (such as the gold watch) absorbed the heat and were destroyed. Conversely, low-density objects (like the delicate fabric of Hariri’s shirtcollar) didn’t have enough time to absorb the heat and were unaffected.

JPEG - 31.1 kb
Rafik Hariri’s remains.

Moreover, the videos show that a number of limbs were severed by the explosion. Oddly, the cuts are clean, as if made on clay statues. There is no sign of shattered or jutting bones, nor of any torn flesh. The reason is that the explosion sucked up all the oxygen and dehydrated the bodies, rendering them friable. In the hours that followed, several on-the-spot witnesses complained of breathing ailments. Wrongfully, the authorities interpreted them as a psychosomatic reaction following their psychological trauma.

Such observations constitute the abc of any criminal inquiry. They should have been the starting point, yet they do not figure in any of the reports submitted by the "professional experts" to the Security Council.

When we asked a number of military experts what kind of explosives would be capable of generating such damage, they mentioned a new type of weapon which has been developed over several decades and is featured in reports appearing in scientific journals. The combination of nuclear and nonotechnology science can trigger an explosion the exact strength of which can be regulated and controlled. The weapon is set up to destroy everything within a given perimeter, down to the nearest centimeter.

Always according to the same military specialists, this weapon can also produce other types of effects: it exerts a very strong pressure on the area of the explosion. The minute it stops, the heaviest objects are propelled upwards. Accordingly, cars were sent flying through the air.

There is one unequivocal fact: this weapon is equipped with a nano-quantity of enriched uranium, emanating radiations which are quantifiable. Now, it just so happens that one of the passengers in Rafik Hariri’s armoured car survived the explosion. Former Minister Bassel Fleyhan was taken to a topnotch French military hospital for treatment. The doctors were astounded to discover that he had been in contact with enriched uranium. But no one linked this to the attack.

Technically speaking, the weapon is shaped like a small missile, a few tens of centimeters long. It must be fired from a drone. Actually, several witnesses assured they had heard an aircraft flying over the scene of the crime. The investigators asked the United States and Israel, whose surveillance satellites are permanently switched on, to provide them with the pertinent images. On the day of the attack, the United States had deployed AWACS aircraft over Lebanon. The live feeds could help to establish the presence of a drone and even to determine its flight path. But Washington and Tel Aviv - which indefatigably urge all parties to cooperate with the STL - turned down the request.

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Hezbollah intercepted and released videos from Israeli drones surveying Rafik Hariri’s movements and the scene of the crime.

At a press conference held on 10 August 2010, Hassan Nasrallah showed a video which, according to him, was shot by Israeli military drones and intercepted by his organisation. All of Rafik Hariri’s movements had been registered for months, until the final day when all the surveillance converged on the bend in the road where the attack was staged. Thus, Tel-Aviv had been surveying the area prior to the assassination. Which is not to say, as Mr Nasrallah himself points out, that they were the authors of the crime.

So, who fired the missile?

This is where things get complicated. According to the military experts, in 2005, Germany was the only country which had a handle on this new technology. It is, therefore, Berlin which supplied and set up the crime weapon.

Hence, it is easy to understand why former Berlin Attorney General Detlev Mehlis - a very controversial figure within his own profession - was eager to preside the UN Investigation Commission. He is, in fact, notoriously linked to the German and U.S. secret services. Assigned in 1986 to shed light on the attack against the La Belle disco in Berlin, he diligently covered up all Israeli and U.S. fingerprints to falsely accuse Libya and justify the bombing of Mouammar Khadafi’s palace by the U.S. Air Force. In the early 2000s, Mr Mehlis was lavishly paid for his stint as researcher at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy (think-tank linked to AIPAC, the pro-Israel lobby) and at the Rand Corporation (think-tank attached to the U.S. military industrial complex). All elements which cast a shadow over his impartiality in the Rafik Hariri affair and should have sufficed to have him taken off the case.

Mehlis was seconded by Commissioner Gerhard Lehmann, who is also a well-known German and U.S. secret services agent. He was formally identified by a witness as having taken part in the programme run by the Bush Administration in Europe, involving the abduction, detention and torture of prisoners in "black holes". His name is mentioned in the ad hoc Report by the Council of Europe. Notwithstanding, he managed to dodge all judicial proceedings on the strength of a strong though unlikely alibi provided by his colleagues in the German police.

Mehlis and Lehmann propagated the theory of the explosives-laden suicide van to deflect the investigation from the German weapon that was used to commit the crime.

Various earth samples were taken from the scene of the crime. They were first mixed, then divided into three jars that were sent to three different laboratories. In the first two no trace of explosives was found. The third jar was kept by Mehlis and Lehmann, who personally sent it to the third laboratory. Here, remnants of explosives were detected. In principle, if the decision is made to resort to three judiciary experts, in case of disagreement it is the majority opinion that prevails. No way! Mehlis and Lehmann violated the protocols. They deemed that theirs was the only reliable sample and embarked the Security Council on a false trail.

The profoundly flawed character of the Mehlis-Lehmann investigations has amply been proven. Their successors acknowledged as much sotto voce and declared entire sections of proceedings nul and void.

Amidst their manipulations, the most famous one relates to the false witnesses. Five individuals purported to have seen the preparations for the attack and incriminated Presidents Bashar el-Assad and Emile Lahoud. While these allegations were fueling the drums of war, their lawyers exposed the lies and the prosecution backed down.

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Detlev Mehlis, President of the UN Investigation Commission violated all the rules of the criminal procedure, fabricated evidence and used false witnesses to exonerate Germany and accuse Syria.

Based on these false testimonies, Detlev Mehlis arrested - in the name of the international community - four Lebanese generals and had them incarcerated for four years. Pushing his way with his cow-boys into private homes, without a warrant from the Lebanese authorities, he also detained for questioning members of their entourage. With his assistants - who spoke Hebrew to each other - he manipulated the families. Thus, on behalf of the international community, he showed the wife of one of the generals a doctored picture to prove that her husband had not only obscured his implication in the murder, but was also two-timing her.

Concurrently, he tried the same maneuver on the son of the "suspect"’, but in this case to convince him that his mother was a woman of loose morals, a situation which had plunged his desperate father into a murderous folly. The aim was to induce a family crime of honour, thereby tarnishing the image of respected and respectable people.

Even more incredible is Lehmann’s proposition to libertate one of the four imprisoned generals in exchange for his false testimony against a Syrian leader.

Moreover, German journalist Jürgen Cain Külbel highlighted a disturbing detail: it would have been impossible to trigger the explosion by remote control or by marking the target without first disactivating the powerful interference system built into Rafik Hariri’s convoy. A system among the most sophisticated in the world, manufactured in ... Israel.

Külbel was approached by a well-known pro-Palestinian advocate, Professor Said Dudin, to promote his book. However, the outrageous declarations frequently made by Dudin served to torpedo it instead. Külbel, a former East German criminal police officer, was quick to find out that Dudin had a long-standing reputation for being a CIA mole within the German left-wing. The journalist published a number of old East-German reports attesting to this fact and was sentenced and briefly imprisoned for illicit dissemination of documents; meantime, Dudin was settling into the German Embassy in Beirut for the purpose of infiltrating the families of the four generals.

Overlooked in the Middle East, Germany’s role in this region is worth spotlighting. After Israel’s war of aggression against Lebanon in the Summer of 2006, Chancellor Angela Merkel deployed a very large contingent to join the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL). The 2 400 soldiers from Germany control the maritime infrastructure to prevent arms supplies from reaching the Resistance via the Mediterranean. On that occasion, Ms Merkel declared that the mission of the German army was to protect Israel. A wind of rebellion arose among the officers. By the hundreds, they sent letters to remind her that they had enlisted to defend their homeland not a foreign country, be it an ally.

An unprecedented development took place on 17 March 2008 and 18 January 2010, when the German and Israeli governments held a joint Council of Ministers meeting where various programmes were adopted, especially in the defense sector. At this stage, there shouldn’t be too many secrets left between the Tsahal and the Bundeswehr.

The investigation conducted by Detlev Mehlis is both steeped in ridicule as regards the false witnesses, and tainted with the illegal detention of the four generals. To the extent that the UN Human Rights Council’s Working Group on Arbitrary Detention formally and firmly condemned this excess of power.

This being said, the opprobrium that befalls Mr Mehlis’ work should not reflect on the Special Tribunal for Lebanon which is in no way responsible for his manipulations. But here, again, things get complicated. The credibility of the STL rests on its ability to curb, in the first place, all those who attempted to mask the truth and falsely accused Presidents Bachar el-Assad and Emile Lahoud, with the intention of provoking a war.

Now, it transpires that the Tribunal refuses to try the false witnesses, giving the impression that it is covering up the manipulations under Mehlis’ watch and is in fact pursuing the similar political objectifs (this time against the Hezbollah, and perhaps against others in future). Even worse, the Tribunal will not hand over to Jamil Sayyed (one of the four generals illegally detained) the minutes of his accusers’ hearings, thereby barring him from requesting compensation and making it look as if it condones four years of arbitrary detention.

In more prosaic terms, the Tribunal is shirking its responsabilities. On the one hand, it must judge the false witnesses to thwart further manipulations and to make plain its impartiality; on the other hand it refuses to undertake a "clean-up" operation which might force it to arrest Prosecutor Mehlis. However, Odnako’s revelations on the German lead render this posture untenable. All the more since it’s already too late: General Jamil Sayyed filed a complaint in Syria and a Syrian examining magistrate has already indicted Detlev Mehlis, Commissioner Gerahrd Lehmann plus the five false witnesses. One can imagine the commotion at the STL should Syria decide to call on Interpol to have them arrested.

Just as the Mehlis commission was supposed to compensate for the lack of professionalism on the part of the Lebanese forces of law and order, the STL should equally have ensured the impartiality that the Lebanese courts may have been short of. But things are far off target, which raises the question of the Tribunal’s legitimacy.

Kofi Annan didn’t want the Lebanon Tribunal to exert international jurisdiction, but to function as a national Lebanese tribunal with an international character. It would have been subjected to Lebanese law while half of its members would have been nationals of other countries. The plan did not materialize because the negotiations came to a sudden end. More precisely, an agreement was reached with the Lebanese government presided at the time by Fouad Siniora, the former authorised representative of the Hariri estate, but it was never ratified either by Parliament or by the president of the Republic. Hence, the agreement was endorsed unilaterally by the UN Security Council (Resolution 1757 of 30 May 2007). The end result is a hybrid and fragile entity.

As pointed out by Kofi Annan, this Tribunal is not analogous to any other so far been created within the purview of the United Nations. "It is neither a subsidiary organ of the UN, nor a component of the Lebanese judiciary system"; it is simply "a conventional organ" sitting between the executive authority of the Lebanese government and the UN. Judging by the international rule of separation of powers and independence of the judiciary, the STL cannot be regarded as a genuine tribunal, but rather as a joint disciplinary commission within the executive frameworks of the UN and the Lebanese Government. Whatever decision it may make will inevitably be coated with suspicion.

Worse still, any Lebanese government can terminate it since, not having been ratified, the related agreement was binding only on the previous government. As a result, the present Lebanese coalition government has become a battlefield between partisans and foes of the Tribunal. In an attempt to maintain governmental stability, week after week Lebanese President Michel Sleimane has been dissuading the Council of Ministers from taking a vote on any issue linked with the STL. This embargo cannot hold out forever.

Bad news coming in pairs, suspicions have now extended to the President of the STL, Antonio Cassese. This reputable international jurist was President of the International Criminal Tribunal For the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY). He happens to be a ardent supporter of the Jewish colonialisation of Palestine. A personal friend of Elie Wiesel, Cassese received and accepted an honorary award, presented by Wiesel himself. He should normally have withdrawn and resigned when Hassan Nasrallah disclosed that Israeli drones had been reconnoitering the crime scene as well as the victim’s movements for months.

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According to the President of the Special Tribunal for Lebanon, Antonio Cassese, the armed resistance in Palestine, Lebanon, Iraq and Afghanistan should be tried for "terrorism".

Worst of all, Judge Cassesse personifies an interpretation of international law that causes division in the Middle East. Although his official curriculum vitae obscures it, he took part in the 2005 negotiations between member states of the European Union and those bordering the Mediterranean Sea ("Barcelona Process: Union for the Mediterranean"). His definition of terrorism blocked the discussions. According to him, terrorism is exclusively the act of individuals or private groups, never states. It follows that a struggle against an occupying army would not be considered as "resistance" but as "terrorism". In the local context, this juridical view is consistent with a colonial framework and disqualifies the STL.

The methods of the Special Tribunal do not differ from those applied by the Mehlis Commission. STL investigators collected mass files on Lebanese students, social security recipients and subscribers of public utility services. On 27 October, in the absence of the Lebanese judges, they even tried to snatch medical records from a gynecological clinic frequented by the wives of Hezbollah members. It is obvious that these probes have no link whatsoever with the Rafik Hariri assassination. Everything leads the Lebanese to believe that the information is actually earmarked for Israel, of which, in their eyes, the TSL is merely an offshoot.

All these problems had clearly been foreseen by President Putin when, in 2007, he had vainly made a pitch for a different wording of the STL founding resolution. Ambassador Vitaly Churkin had denounced the "juridical loopholes" of the system. He deplored that the Security Council should threaten to resort to force (Chapter VII) to achieve unilaterally the creation of this "conventional organ". He had emphasised that while the Tribunal should be working towards the reconciliation of the Lebanese people, it was devised in such a way as to divide them even more. Finally, Russia - as China - refused to endorse Resolution 1757.

The truth ultimately seeps through. The Israeli drone videos released by the Hezbollah expose Israel’s involvement in the crime preparations. The facts revealed by Odnako point to the use of a sophisticated German weapon. The puzzle is nearly complete.


Thierry Meyssan

French political analyst, founder and chairman of the Voltaire Network and the Axis for Peace conference. He publishes columns dealing with international relations in daily newspapers and weekly magazines in Arabic, Spanish and Russian. Last books published in English : 9/11 the Big Lie and Pentagate.

french

italiano

espanol



http://www.jpost.com/MiddleEast/Article.aspx?id=191638

Iran-funded book accuses Israel of Hariri assassination

JONNY PAUL
10/17/2010


"The Big Lie 2," an English-language book, says Israel used American missile to kill the Lebanese prime minister.

LONDON – Iran is accused of trying to propel Lebanon into a conflict with Israel by sponsoring a book which accuses the Jewish state of being behind 2005’s assassination of former Lebanese prime minister Rafik Hariri.

According to a book, about to be published in English, it was Israel which carried out the assassination using a missile manufactured in the United States.

Thierry Meyssan, the French-born author, is alleged to have been paid one million dollars by the Iranian Revolutionary Guard to write the book.

The revelations come as heightened tensions in the region following a controversial two-day visit by Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad.

A tribunal backed by the United Nations has been investigating the 2005 Beirut car bombing, which claimed the lives of Hariri and 21 others, and is expected to lay the blame for the killings at the door of Hizbullah.

According to a profile he has posted on the business website LinkedIn, Meyssan is now residing in Beirut, but the 53-year-old has spent half of the last year researching the book in Iran.

Titled L’effroyable Imposture II (The Big Lie 2), it is a followup to his 2002 book 9/11: The Big Lie, which claimed that the 9/11 attacks were carried out by a rogue element within the US military.

Meyssan sparked fury within the US Senate by insisting that the Pentagon was hit by a US missile, and not American Airlines Flight 77. In 2005, the US State Department took the unprecedented step of identifying him as someone who was actively promoting misinformation about America, saying he was persona non grata.

The book, which spawned a whole host of conspiracy theories, was translated into 26 languages, becoming a bestseller in the process.

Meyssan’s new book details what he claims is a cover up between Israel and America designed to hide the fact that they jointly carried out the assassination of Hariri.

He had hoped to keep its publication secret until a launch in Beirut later this month but leaks have already been appearing on various websites in the US and Lebanon.

According to a blogger on the 9/11 conspiracy website TruthAction.org, Meyssan is using evidence provided to him by Hizbullah showing that an Israeli drone was tracking Hariri long before his assassination.

Hizbullah’s leader Hassan Nasrallah held a press conference in Beirut in August in which he claimed his scientists had hacked into the electronic data on the drone and been able to reproduce photographs it took of the former prime minister’s movements.

The French author’s reported association with the Iranian Revolutionary Guards is intriguing. Set up shortly after the 1979 Iranian revolution, several former members of the Guards now have posts in Ahmadinejad’s cabinet.

More pertinently, the Guards also control a third of Iran’s economy through a series of subsidiaries and trusts. This already substantial stake is reported to have increased recently with the purchase of a majority stake in the country’s main telecommunications company.

California-based Jim Hoffman, who created a number of 9/11 conspiracy websites, this week warned anyone reading Meyssan’s book to be extremely wary of his claims.

“When I first looked into it [September 11], I was swept up towards his way of thinking, the lack of debris around the Pentagon after the attack there and so forth,” Hoffman said. “But after reading his book, I looked into the actual evidence myself. I found a side story that is based on salacious assumptions and unscientific evidence.

“What he did was very damaging for legitimate attempts to investigate the crime scene, because it created this storm of nonsense basically.

“I will not be reading this latest book for the same reason,” Hoffman said.

Victoria Ashley, who runs another 9/11 conspiracy website, said, “Maybe it is all just talk, but the impression many of us had was that his role was to basically spread the ‘no plane at the Pentagon’ hoax around the world, quickly and in many languages, with resources no average political activist would ever have.”




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