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The medieval, unaccountable Corporation of London is ripe for protest  
Working beyond the authority of parliament, the Corporation of London undermines all attempts to curb the excesses of finance
George Monbiot
31 October 2011
It's the dark heart of Britain, the place where democracy goes  to die, immensely powerful, equally unaccountable. But I doubt that one  in 10 British people has any idea of what the Corporation of the City of  London is and how it works. This could be about to change. Alongside  the Church of England, the Corporation is seeking to evict the protesters camped outside St Paul's cathedral. The protesters, in turn, have demanded that it submit to national oversight and control.
What  is this thing? Ostensibly it's the equivalent of a local council,  responsible for a small area of London known as the Square Mile. But, as  its website  boasts, "among local authorities the City of London is unique". You bet  it is. There are 25 electoral wards in the Square Mile. In four of  them, the 9,000 people who live within its boundaries are permitted to  vote. In the remaining 21, the votes are controlled by corporations,  mostly banks and other financial companies. The bigger the business, the  bigger the vote: a company with 10 workers gets two votes, the biggest  employers, 79. It's not the workers who decide how the votes are cast,  but the bosses, who "appoint" the voters. Plutocracy, pure and simple.
There  are four layers of elected representatives in the Corporation: common  councilmen, aldermen, sheriffs and the Lord Mayor. To qualify for any of  these offices, you must be a freeman of the City of London. To become a freeman you must be approved by the aldermen. You're most likely to qualify if you belong to one of the City livery companies:  medieval guilds such as the worshipful company of costermongers,  cutpurses and safecrackers. To become a sheriff, you must be elected  from among the aldermen by the Livery. How do you join a livery company?  Don't even ask.
To become Lord Mayor you must first have served  as an alderman and sheriff, and you "must command the support of, and  have the endorsement of, the Court of Aldermen and the Livery". You  should also be stinking rich, as the Lord Mayor is expected to make a  "contribution from his/her private resources towards the costs of the  mayoral year." This is, in other words, an official old boys' network.  Think of all that Tory huffing and puffing about democratic failings  within the trade unions. Then think of their resounding silence about  democracy within the City of London.
The current Lord Mayor,  Michael Bear, came to prominence within the City as chief executive of  the Spitalfields development group, which oversaw a controversial business venture  in which the Corporation had a major stake, even though the project  lies outside the boundaries of its authority. This illustrates another  of the Corporation's unique features. It possesses a vast pool of cash,  which it can spend as it wishes, without democratic oversight. As well  as expanding its enormous property portfolio, it uses this money to  lobby on behalf of the banks.
The Lord Mayor's role, the  Corporation's website tells us, is to "open doors at the highest levels"  for business, in the course of which he "expounds the values of  liberalisation". Liberalisation is what bankers call deregulation: the  process that caused the financial crash. The Corporation boasts that it  "handle[s] issues in Parliament of specific interest to the City", such  as banking reform and financial services regulation. It also conducts  "extensive partnership work with think tanks … vigorously promoting the  views and needs of financial services." But this isn't the half of it.
As Nicholas Shaxson explains in his fascinating book Treasure Islands,  the Corporation exists outside many of the laws and democratic controls  which govern the rest of the United Kingdom. The City of London is the  only part of Britain over which parliament has no authority. In one  respect at least the Corporation acts as the superior body: it imposes  on the House of Commons a figure called the remembrancer:  an official lobbyist who sits behind the Speaker's chair and ensures  that, whatever our elected representatives might think, the City's  rights and privileges are protected. The mayor of London's mandate stops  at the boundaries of the Square Mile. There are, as if in a novel  by China Miéville, two cities, one of which must unsee the other.
Several  governments have tried to democratise the City of London but all,  threatened by its financial might, have failed. As Clement Attlee  lamented, "over and over again we have seen that there is in this  country another power than that which has its seat at Westminster." The  City has exploited this remarkable position to establish itself as a  kind of offshore state, a secrecy jurisdiction which controls the  network of tax havens housed in the UK's crown dependencies and overseas  territories. This autonomous state within our borders is in a position  to launder the ill-gotten cash of oligarchs, kleptocrats, gangsters and  drug barons. As the French investigating magistrate Eva Joly remarked,  it "has never transmitted even the smallest piece of usable evidence to a  foreign magistrate". It deprives the United Kingdom and other nations  of their rightful tax receipts.
It has also made the effective  regulation of global finance almost impossible. Shaxson shows how the  absence of proper regulation in London allowed American banks to evade  the rules set by their own government. AIG's wild trading might have  taken place in the US, but the unit responsible was regulated in the  City. Lehman Brothers couldn't get legal approval for its off-balance  sheet transactions in Wall Street, so it used a London law firm instead.  No wonder priests are resigning over the plans to evict the campers.  The Church of England is not just working with Mammon; it's colluding  with Babylon.
If you've ever dithered over the question of whether  the UK needs a written constitution, dither no longer. Imagine the  clauses required to preserve the status of the Corporation. "The City of  London will remain outside the authority of parliament. Domestic and  foreign banks will be permitted to vote as if they were human beings,  and their votes will outnumber those cast by real people. Its elected  officials will be chosen from people deemed acceptable by a group of  medieval guilds …".
The Corporation's privileges could not  withstand such public scrutiny. This, perhaps, is one of the reasons why  a written constitution in the United Kingdom remains a distant dream.  Its power also helps to explain why regulation of the banks is scarcely  better than it was before the crash, why there are no effective curbs on  executive pay and bonuses and why successive governments fail to act  against the UK's dependent tax havens.
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